Shahid Masood does it – AGAIN!

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Why Musharraf’s trial is almost impossible

Despite the Supreme Court’s July 31, 2009 verdict declaring the proclamation of emergency by the then president and army chief Pervez Musharraf unconstitutional, the Pakistan Peoples Party-led coalition government is reluctant to institute high treason proceedings against the retired general. This is hardly surprising if seen in the context of the PPP’s relationship with the establishment and the text of Article 6 of the constitution, which deals with high treason.

Contrary to the popular belief and the party’s own profession, the PPP is no longer an anti-establishment outfit. Like other mainstream political parties, the PPP politics aims at securing or preserving power. It may be Pakistan’s single largest political party. It may have a nationwide appeal. In a proper democratic dispensation, such characteristics are all that a political party needs to get power. However, this hardly applies to a cosmetic democracy like Pakistan. If the past is any guide, the quest for securing or preserving political power in Pakistan is doomed to end up in failure without a nod from the establishment — the power behind the throne. The PPP’s own experience bears out this unpleasant and hard fact.

Probably none knows this better than the top leadership of the PPP, and that too by personal experience. In 1988 general elections, the PPP, despite all odds, had emerged as the single largest party and the only one which won seats from all the four provinces. But that was not enough for the party to form the government. The PPP had to reach a compromise with the establishment — that it would support the then acting president Ghulam Ishaq Khan in presidential elections which were due a couple of months later — before its chairperson Ms Benazir Bhutto was appointed prime minister.

The decision to support Ghulam Ishaq Khan must have been a very hard one for PPP leadership, because he was an establishment icon with which the party had been at loggerheads during the past decade. But then that was the price the PPP had to pay to enter into the corridors of power. The party leadership preferred power to principles and paid the price soon. In August 1990, when the PPP government headed by Benazir Bhutto was four months short of its second anniversary, the establishment felt that as the baby was trying to stand on its own feet, it was high time to strike its head. Through presidential orders, parliament and the prime minister were dismissed. That was the end of the second PPP and the first Benazir Bhutto government.

In 1993, Nawaz Sharif, the erstwhile blue-eyed boy of the establishment, fell out with his mentors and had to pay the price in the form of his dismissal. Nawaz Sharif’s fall from grace once again forced the establishment to court friendship of the PPP, which itself was desperately trying to get back in the saddle. Elections were held, which the PPP won. The election of the PPP’s own stalwart Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari as president couple of months later strengthened the party’s position and the government seemed to be well set to complete its five-year term, which had never happened in Pakistan before. But that proved an illusion. In reality, the establishment was as strong as ever before. And when it decided to strike, President Leghari dismissed his leader’s government.

Since November 6, 1996, when the PPP government was sacked until its victory in February 2008 elections couple of months after the assassination of Ms Bhutto, the party remained in opposition. Ms Bhutto herself remained in exile for eight years and returned home only in October 2007 after striking a deal with the establishment in the shape of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) giving amnesty to the top party leadership from corruption charges. To the good fortune of the PPP present leadership, Mr Musharraf was weakened by the lawyers’ movement and desperately needed the support of a popular political party. A deal with Mr Nawaz Sharif, whom he had ousted from power in October 1999, was out of the question for the military ruler. Hence, Ms Bhutto’s PPP was the only choice. The deal with the establishment was a clever move on the part of the PPP leadership. The party knew well that notwithstanding all its powers and clout, the establishment needed strong political support to get things moving. Whether there is a military regime or a civilian government, the establishment needs to have a political constituency. That explains why every military government in Pakistan cultivates relations with some political forces and tries to cobble together a political arrangement to further its interest. This also explains why military governments do not live up to their promises of an across-the-board accountability. The very people who have to be made accountable for their acts of omission and commission are needed to provide political support to the regime.

Moreover, the views and policies, particularly those pertaining to foreign policy, of Mr Musharraf and the PPP converged in many respects. Both were pro-West, especially pro US, and had a liberal outlook. With war against religious extremism at the top of its foreign policy agenda, the least the US wanted was a conservative government in Pakistan. When the PPP negotiated the deal with the establishment, it wanted two things in the main: One, fair elections. Two, permission to the PPP leadership to take part in the political process without hindrances, which included withdrawal of cases against them. The establishment accepted both demands. Why and by whom Ms Bhutto was killed is still a mystery despite the fact that her party is in power for last sixteen months. May be on the part of the establishment, the deal was with the PPP and not Ms Bhutto per se.

The PPP won the February 2008 elections and formed the government. But courtesy the seventeenth amendment, effective powers are vested in the office of the president. By that time Mr Musharraf had been so much discredited that his erstwhile supporters agreed that he may be shown the door. The needful was done. However, that was done on certain conditions, the foremost being that the retired army chief would not be tried for his unconstitutional acts. If the PPP leadership breaches the pact, it may also be shown the door.

The foregoing makes it clear why the PPP has linked the trial of Mr Musharraf on high treason charges to a unanimous resolution of parliament despite the fact that constitutionally (Article 6 of the constitution) and legally (High Treason Punishment Act, 1973) this is not required. There cannot be unanimity when there is a single dissent and it is inconceivable that in the entire parliament there is not a single voice opposing the trial of Mr Musharraf. Both President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani know this and so does the opposition leader Mr Nawaz Sharif. For the latter, however, it is the most convenient political stick to beat the PPP government with.

It does not mean that the PPP is against Musharrf’s trial. There is no love between them. But the party does not want to bell the cat. May be it wants the judiciary, which it was forced to restore a few months back, to do so and come into conflict with the establishment.

Coming to Article 6, it consists of three clauses or paras. Clause (1) states: ‘Any person who abrogates or attempts or conspires to abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to subvert the Constitution by use of force or show of force or by other unconstitutional means shall be guilty of high treason.’ Clause (2) expands the definition of high treason by stating that ‘Any person aiding or abetting the acts mentioned in Clause (1) shall likewise be guilty of high treason.’ Clause (3) enjoins upon parliament to make a law to provide for punishment of a person found guilty of high treason. Accordingly, the High Treason (Punishment) Act, 1973 provides that high treason is punishable with death penalty or life imprisonment.

Thus when high treason proceedings are instituted against Mr Musharraf, it is almos
t certain that those who abetted him, which definitely would be a fairly long list, in his unconstitutional acts would also find themselves in the dock. The trial of one person may turn out to be that of an entire institution.

Source: DAWN

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Me and Contact Lenses

I’ve been wearing glasses/spectacles for more than a decade, almost 14 years or maybe more. They are an essential part of me and I, like many others, end up pushing the imaginary glasses back over my nose even when I don’t have them on for some reason. Once during my A-levels years, I decided to have a go at contact lenses. I knew it was a tough ask but I was inspired by my sister who could put them on even while walking. And since she could do it, I thought, it must not be THAT hard

I bought 3 pairs of monthly disposable lenses and woke up early one fine morning to put a set on. It took me about 40 minutes to pop them in, often losing them and trying to locate them later. Anyway, after few hours of usage I felt uncomfortable, missed the frames and hence got the lenses off, in about 10 minutes vowing to try again next day. Another early morning and I ended up losing one of the lens, tearing another. But I had three pairs to play with so I was safe. After fidgeting with a new set, I lost another one of them only to realise after few minutes that the lens has slipped somewhere inside my eye :S

I gave up that day. The desire to use the lenses was born again a week ago so that I can wear those nice sunglasses So I went and got daily disposable ones this time. Surprisingly I managed to get them in within no time and removing the lenses is also pretty easy. Guess I’ve matured So, I had them on today as well for a bright sunny day. While working in the lab, I rubbed my left eye and when I looked up again things were pretty damn blur. The right eye was fine but I knew the lens was either displaced or lost from the left one. Once again, it was lost inside the eye and I had to put in some effort to remove it – and throw it away. I do keep an extra frame in the locker at uni so it saved the day but I am not sure if I am all that comfortable with lenses.

Will give them a try again on a sunny day

P.S. If you’re wondering why the sudden influx of blog posts, then the reason is perhaps that I am currently in the Write Mode [some will not understand]

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i want a muffin!

I am forced to leave the lab, earlier than usual, because I cannot see people around me enjoying delicious chocolate muffins and having a go at their favourite drinks. On leaving the department I had to pass the cafe and sniff the smell of freshly ground coffee. There is no other way out of thebuilding. Now as I stand on the stop, waiting for the bus, which is taking eternity to show up, my stomach is longing for some nutrition. Usually I wouldn’t have felt hungry at this hour and I am sure the feeling will subside as I reach home. The real reason is perhaps an excuse to avoid writing the dissertation. Also, the fact that humans love to do something when they are forced not to, has something to do with hunger. In any case, I’ve already left and will reach home in few minutes and crash hoping to do something during the night. But seriously, on any other day I’d have snatched that choc muffin from the guy’s hand, not only because I wanted it too but more so because of the horrible sound he was making in an attempt to chew it. Idiot.

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The Politics of Hypocrisy

The new war of words between PML-N and MQM is yet another example of how history continues to shape our future. The old enemies can never be friends in the long run, unless they have a common enemy like the PPP and PML had in the form of Musharraf. The latest cause of controversy is perhaps an interview in which Brig. (R) Imtiaz, an ex DG of IB, revealed that the so-called allegations of Jinnahpur against the MQM, which was one of the reasons for a fullscale operation, was merely a scam. But the war of words started well before that, this latest act of an ex-spy is just the continuation.

Earlier, the PML-N wanted the scrapping of the local government system and in a bid to oppose the system (and MQM) they directed the dirt towards Karachi. Chaudhry Nisar vehemently claimed how Karachi has suffered because of MQM. To my surprise, Kamran Khan of GEO hit back at Nisar asking him when was the last time he visited Karachi? Ofcourse, he hasn't paid a visit and this just proves how some good piece of work will never be appreciated if the parties oppose each other.

Coming back to Jinnapur controversary, I was listening to a charged up Ahsan Iqbal, who expressed doubts over Brig. Imtiaz's allegations with a special note on the timing. Next day in the newspaper, the famous investigator of the country, Ansar Abbasi came up with a theory that perhaps the Brigadier is a tool of the establishment to save Musharraf. An amazing piece of connection made by Abbasi. Mr. Abbasi also went on to say that this is perhaps the establishment's effort to tarnish the image of Nawaz Sharif who is now out of their hands. Personally, this strengthened my belief that Ansar Abbasi is a PML-N tool in the media.

Anyway, the point is, not long ago a certain Lt. Gen. (r) Gulzar Kiyani revealed that Kargil was Musharraf's fault and absolved Nawaz Sharif of the adventure. Immediately after that, a grand press conference was held by PML-N praising the retired armyman who later went on to become Geo TV's darling for some time. His disclosures were welcomed, while the latest episode is termed a controversy. Isn't this hypocrisy? Its not only PML-N. After that Gulzar Kiyani episode I wrote a blog post saying that it was now useless and that the guy should have had guts to speak the truth when it mattered. Same is the case now. Just like PML-N (and some media outlets) who loved Gulzar Kiyani's revelations, the MQM is now loving Brig. Imtiaz's confessions.

In the end, no one wins. But that just goes on to show how these sickheads mould the situation for their own benefits.

Another claim made by PML-N is that the PM Sharif was unaware of the 1992 operation and the army did it on its own behest. Give me a break here. Nawaz Sharif tends to disown all the wrong happenings in his tenure. He was also caught unaware of Kargil but he takes credit for the nuclear tests. Given the track record of having no say in any matter it is more than likely that he was unaware of the tests too. I have, in fact, read that Mr. Sharif delayed the decision for a long time and when he did say YES to tests, the army had already prepared because they weren't really waiting for him to say so. So why does Mr. Sharif take the credit for all goods? Hypocrisy again?

We may or may not know what exactly was the cause for the 1992 operation but the forces who supported it should also call for an operation against the Baloch separatists because what they want now is much more serious than Jinnahpur.

Posted via email from Anas Imtiaz