Shahid Masood does it – AGAIN!

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Why Musharraf’s trial is almost impossible

Despite the Supreme Court’s July 31, 2009 verdict declaring the proclamation of emergency by the then president and army chief Pervez Musharraf unconstitutional, the Pakistan Peoples Party-led coalition government is reluctant to institute high treason proceedings against the retired general. This is hardly surprising if seen in the context of the PPP’s relationship with the establishment and the text of Article 6 of the constitution, which deals with high treason.

Contrary to the popular belief and the party’s own profession, the PPP is no longer an anti-establishment outfit. Like other mainstream political parties, the PPP politics aims at securing or preserving power. It may be Pakistan’s single largest political party. It may have a nationwide appeal. In a proper democratic dispensation, such characteristics are all that a political party needs to get power. However, this hardly applies to a cosmetic democracy like Pakistan. If the past is any guide, the quest for securing or preserving political power in Pakistan is doomed to end up in failure without a nod from the establishment — the power behind the throne. The PPP’s own experience bears out this unpleasant and hard fact.

Probably none knows this better than the top leadership of the PPP, and that too by personal experience. In 1988 general elections, the PPP, despite all odds, had emerged as the single largest party and the only one which won seats from all the four provinces. But that was not enough for the party to form the government. The PPP had to reach a compromise with the establishment — that it would support the then acting president Ghulam Ishaq Khan in presidential elections which were due a couple of months later — before its chairperson Ms Benazir Bhutto was appointed prime minister.

The decision to support Ghulam Ishaq Khan must have been a very hard one for PPP leadership, because he was an establishment icon with which the party had been at loggerheads during the past decade. But then that was the price the PPP had to pay to enter into the corridors of power. The party leadership preferred power to principles and paid the price soon. In August 1990, when the PPP government headed by Benazir Bhutto was four months short of its second anniversary, the establishment felt that as the baby was trying to stand on its own feet, it was high time to strike its head. Through presidential orders, parliament and the prime minister were dismissed. That was the end of the second PPP and the first Benazir Bhutto government.

In 1993, Nawaz Sharif, the erstwhile blue-eyed boy of the establishment, fell out with his mentors and had to pay the price in the form of his dismissal. Nawaz Sharif’s fall from grace once again forced the establishment to court friendship of the PPP, which itself was desperately trying to get back in the saddle. Elections were held, which the PPP won. The election of the PPP’s own stalwart Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari as president couple of months later strengthened the party’s position and the government seemed to be well set to complete its five-year term, which had never happened in Pakistan before. But that proved an illusion. In reality, the establishment was as strong as ever before. And when it decided to strike, President Leghari dismissed his leader’s government.

Since November 6, 1996, when the PPP government was sacked until its victory in February 2008 elections couple of months after the assassination of Ms Bhutto, the party remained in opposition. Ms Bhutto herself remained in exile for eight years and returned home only in October 2007 after striking a deal with the establishment in the shape of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) giving amnesty to the top party leadership from corruption charges. To the good fortune of the PPP present leadership, Mr Musharraf was weakened by the lawyers’ movement and desperately needed the support of a popular political party. A deal with Mr Nawaz Sharif, whom he had ousted from power in October 1999, was out of the question for the military ruler. Hence, Ms Bhutto’s PPP was the only choice. The deal with the establishment was a clever move on the part of the PPP leadership. The party knew well that notwithstanding all its powers and clout, the establishment needed strong political support to get things moving. Whether there is a military regime or a civilian government, the establishment needs to have a political constituency. That explains why every military government in Pakistan cultivates relations with some political forces and tries to cobble together a political arrangement to further its interest. This also explains why military governments do not live up to their promises of an across-the-board accountability. The very people who have to be made accountable for their acts of omission and commission are needed to provide political support to the regime.

Moreover, the views and policies, particularly those pertaining to foreign policy, of Mr Musharraf and the PPP converged in many respects. Both were pro-West, especially pro US, and had a liberal outlook. With war against religious extremism at the top of its foreign policy agenda, the least the US wanted was a conservative government in Pakistan. When the PPP negotiated the deal with the establishment, it wanted two things in the main: One, fair elections. Two, permission to the PPP leadership to take part in the political process without hindrances, which included withdrawal of cases against them. The establishment accepted both demands. Why and by whom Ms Bhutto was killed is still a mystery despite the fact that her party is in power for last sixteen months. May be on the part of the establishment, the deal was with the PPP and not Ms Bhutto per se.

The PPP won the February 2008 elections and formed the government. But courtesy the seventeenth amendment, effective powers are vested in the office of the president. By that time Mr Musharraf had been so much discredited that his erstwhile supporters agreed that he may be shown the door. The needful was done. However, that was done on certain conditions, the foremost being that the retired army chief would not be tried for his unconstitutional acts. If the PPP leadership breaches the pact, it may also be shown the door.

The foregoing makes it clear why the PPP has linked the trial of Mr Musharraf on high treason charges to a unanimous resolution of parliament despite the fact that constitutionally (Article 6 of the constitution) and legally (High Treason Punishment Act, 1973) this is not required. There cannot be unanimity when there is a single dissent and it is inconceivable that in the entire parliament there is not a single voice opposing the trial of Mr Musharraf. Both President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani know this and so does the opposition leader Mr Nawaz Sharif. For the latter, however, it is the most convenient political stick to beat the PPP government with.

It does not mean that the PPP is against Musharrf’s trial. There is no love between them. But the party does not want to bell the cat. May be it wants the judiciary, which it was forced to restore a few months back, to do so and come into conflict with the establishment.

Coming to Article 6, it consists of three clauses or paras. Clause (1) states: ‘Any person who abrogates or attempts or conspires to abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to subvert the Constitution by use of force or show of force or by other unconstitutional means shall be guilty of high treason.’ Clause (2) expands the definition of high treason by stating that ‘Any person aiding or abetting the acts mentioned in Clause (1) shall likewise be guilty of high treason.’ Clause (3) enjoins upon parliament to make a law to provide for punishment of a person found guilty of high treason. Accordingly, the High Treason (Punishment) Act, 1973 provides that high treason is punishable with death penalty or life imprisonment.

Thus when high treason proceedings are instituted against Mr Musharraf, it is almos
t certain that those who abetted him, which definitely would be a fairly long list, in his unconstitutional acts would also find themselves in the dock. The trial of one person may turn out to be that of an entire institution.

Source: DAWN

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The Politics of Hypocrisy

The new war of words between PML-N and MQM is yet another example of how history continues to shape our future. The old enemies can never be friends in the long run, unless they have a common enemy like the PPP and PML had in the form of Musharraf. The latest cause of controversy is perhaps an interview in which Brig. (R) Imtiaz, an ex DG of IB, revealed that the so-called allegations of Jinnahpur against the MQM, which was one of the reasons for a fullscale operation, was merely a scam. But the war of words started well before that, this latest act of an ex-spy is just the continuation.

Earlier, the PML-N wanted the scrapping of the local government system and in a bid to oppose the system (and MQM) they directed the dirt towards Karachi. Chaudhry Nisar vehemently claimed how Karachi has suffered because of MQM. To my surprise, Kamran Khan of GEO hit back at Nisar asking him when was the last time he visited Karachi? Ofcourse, he hasn't paid a visit and this just proves how some good piece of work will never be appreciated if the parties oppose each other.

Coming back to Jinnapur controversary, I was listening to a charged up Ahsan Iqbal, who expressed doubts over Brig. Imtiaz's allegations with a special note on the timing. Next day in the newspaper, the famous investigator of the country, Ansar Abbasi came up with a theory that perhaps the Brigadier is a tool of the establishment to save Musharraf. An amazing piece of connection made by Abbasi. Mr. Abbasi also went on to say that this is perhaps the establishment's effort to tarnish the image of Nawaz Sharif who is now out of their hands. Personally, this strengthened my belief that Ansar Abbasi is a PML-N tool in the media.

Anyway, the point is, not long ago a certain Lt. Gen. (r) Gulzar Kiyani revealed that Kargil was Musharraf's fault and absolved Nawaz Sharif of the adventure. Immediately after that, a grand press conference was held by PML-N praising the retired armyman who later went on to become Geo TV's darling for some time. His disclosures were welcomed, while the latest episode is termed a controversy. Isn't this hypocrisy? Its not only PML-N. After that Gulzar Kiyani episode I wrote a blog post saying that it was now useless and that the guy should have had guts to speak the truth when it mattered. Same is the case now. Just like PML-N (and some media outlets) who loved Gulzar Kiyani's revelations, the MQM is now loving Brig. Imtiaz's confessions.

In the end, no one wins. But that just goes on to show how these sickheads mould the situation for their own benefits.

Another claim made by PML-N is that the PM Sharif was unaware of the 1992 operation and the army did it on its own behest. Give me a break here. Nawaz Sharif tends to disown all the wrong happenings in his tenure. He was also caught unaware of Kargil but he takes credit for the nuclear tests. Given the track record of having no say in any matter it is more than likely that he was unaware of the tests too. I have, in fact, read that Mr. Sharif delayed the decision for a long time and when he did say YES to tests, the army had already prepared because they weren't really waiting for him to say so. So why does Mr. Sharif take the credit for all goods? Hypocrisy again?

We may or may not know what exactly was the cause for the 1992 operation but the forces who supported it should also call for an operation against the Baloch separatists because what they want now is much more serious than Jinnahpur.

Posted via email from Anas Imtiaz

Will Musharraf Be Given a Fair Trial?

The azaad adliya has summoned the former president/dictator/COAS Gen. (retd) Pervez Musharraf to defend his November 3 actions. This was to be expected, and in one of my blog posts in the aftermath of Musharraf’s resignation I called for his fair trial. I support the decision to bring him to courts. But would it be fair? There is a big question mark. Assuming for a minute that Musharraf appears in the court (which is highly unlikely), what will the CJP ask him? “How dare you sack me?” The big word here is ME! This is more like the affected party being the judge. In fact it is exactly the case. So my first reservation on this case is whether or not this will turn into a personal vendetta.

I follow JANG newspaper despite it being a highly biased one but it does cover a wide range of news in Pakistan. I read today that a team is getting ready to encircle Musharraf in Britain. First of all, this is more like the Imran-Altaf game we have seen earlier. Second, and more important, the team is headed by the one and only Lord Nazeer Ahmed. Who is he? Well, the title says he is a British MP who loves to poke his nose in Pakistan’s affairs. Seriously, what is his business in Pakistan? In my 10-month stay in London so far I have never ever seen a newspaper or channel covering the likes of Lord Nazeer. Apparently, he is more famous in Pakistan. Our media (a part of it) loves him, but then they should also love Richard Holbrooke in that way because Lord Nazeer is no different. Naam se koi Pakistani nai hojata!!

Abid Sher Ali of PML-N, famous for exposing the Dogar Daughter marks case, has expressed his views that Pervez Musharraf should be hanged. I agree on the condition that Nawaz Sharif must take the lead.

Another ardent writer , famous for spying activities, (yeah Ansar Abbasi) wrote that the top brass of army has somehow told him that they will remain neutral in this case. I really respect the passion of Abbasi when he writes against Musharraf, but then he should register for a blog and write his own views there. Anyway, I highly doubt this claim. The army will never back away from its former chief. This is more like Abbasi’s own wish. He also said in one of his columns that Kayani is a nice man and wants democracy to flourish. But we do have a bit of saying that about all army chiefs before they take over!

And lastly, this case could not have come at a better time for the government. An attempt will be made to hype up the proceedings and divert attention from more pertinent issues – as usual.

The Champions!

With no recent cricketing activity of international level at home, no participation in the Indian Premier Profits League, on the back of criticism from their own chief selector and having being ruled out whatsoever to make it to the semis, Pakistan today showed the world what it is capable of. The very fact that Pakistan stamped its presence in two finals in a row in itself speaks volumes of the cricketing talent of the country. Winning one of them and losing the other by mere five runs just adds to it. The unearthing of a 17-year old rookie, who hardly had any flesh on his body, and his resounding success against the likes of Graeme Smith and Tilkaratne Dilshan in crunch games is again a feature to be found in Team Pakistan. At this time, it is also worthwhile to mention the coach Intikhab Alam who was also responsible for the team back in 1992 when the boys brought the trophy home!

Before the start of tournament, when everyone wrote off Pakistan, there was one man still claiming Pakistan to be the favourites – hats off to Wasim Akram!

To all those who think that Pakistan’s win is merely a fluke, then remember that flukes are just one-off. This is some serious progress! Beating the two favourites of the tournament in the semi final and the final can not be a fluke. Also, both wins are quite convincing!

It is a time to celebrate and thank Almighty Allah for giving the nation something to cheer about.

It is surprising to see how a nation stuck in a foreign war and isolation can come out so strong. Again, this shows the character of the people despite the junk given to us by the so-called leaders.

Well done Team Pakistan!

If we just analyse this tournament for a minute, the turning point for me was the return of Abdul Razzaq. He provided stability in the team – his sheer presence made an effect and expectations rose. He didn’t disappoint either, taking three crucial wickets with the new ball in the final. His return also freed up Afridi, who was locked in at number 6 for some late acceleration. That task was given to Razzaq (was never really required in the end), while Afridi was promoted to have a ball. Afridi himself showed a surprising transformation in to a mature batsmen and for me, after YK’s retirement from T20, Afridi deserves to wear the captaincy hat. I’ve seen him doing well in the domestic T20s as a captain. Also, I’d love to see Afridi in Test matches!

Umar Gul topped the wickets table yet again – and that just shows the sheer quality of bowling talent.

This success will go a long way and hopefully bring back those people to cricket who left in disappointment.

Finally, the moment of the tournament for me was when Younis Khan went berserk on Mohd. Aamir when he failed to return to the stumps to collect Fawad Alam’s throw – which incidentally hit the stumps directly. Despite getting the wicket and sealing the match, Younis had more on his mind. Clearly, he was aiming much higher. I was not a fan of YK’s captaincy, but I must admit he has impressed me (a little ).

Good luck to Team Pakistan for the upcoming tour of Sri Lanka, and all the future series!

Thoughts On The Game & Final XI

It was undoubtedly a lacklusture display of cricket by Pakistan today, but we must also understand what exactly was the purpose of a warm-up game. The fans of the green camp were expecting the team to go all out and probably come close to winning the game. The expectations were very high and the team should have displayed some will to play.

From the word go, there was lack of seriousness, perhaps the very fact that it wasn’t a competitive game was playing on their minds. Also, there was clear evidence of the lack of match practice. To be fair to the captain, he doesn’t have a lot of opportunities to have a look at his players under match conditions and that is why the bowlers were given the ball in a weird manner despite getting hit all over the park. I’m not a fan of YK’s captaincy, but obviously there is no one else suited to do the job, and now that he IS the captain, there is no point in asking for a change.

Another point to note is that there was no plan to conduct the match, against the opposition. If at all there was any plan, it was to give exposure to all men and if the performance is bad, let them continue so that they may improve in time for the real games.

If anything was disappointing, it was the fielding. The extreme lethergy and repulsion from the ball is a worrying sign because the warm-up game should have been used to improve agility in the field too.

The final playing XI to step on the ground to play against the hosts is almost clear. Ahmed Shehzad seemed very confident and will probably open Salman Butt. Kamran Akmal can also be used to open the innings. Younis Khan, Misbah ul Haq and Shoaib Malik will be the sensible batsmen who will try to stabilise the innings when things go wrong. Shahid Afridi will feature in all games but his batting will be nothing to count on. So we have seven confirmed players here. Saeed Ajmal, the spinner, is also likely to be guaranteed a place, given the fact that slow bowlers are very useful in this format of the game. The trio of Ajmal, Afridi and Malik will do the spin job. The inclusion of Fawad Alam is unlikely in the main XI. The problem area is three seamers – Gul and Tanvir will make it for their experience while Arafat may have an edge against Mohammed Amir due to his allround abilities and experience too. The final problem to deal with is the batting order and the bowling order too.

Tanvir must open the bowling but who shall be his newball partner? Arafat? A big NO! Gul can do the job, but as a captain I’d love to use Gul’s 4 overs at the end. If they go with the latter option then maybe Amir will be used instead to open the attack with Tanvir. Again, two left armers isn’t a great option.

The batting is also complicated. Who shall open with Ahmed Shehzad? Akmal, Butt? I’d love to use Afridi there, but I really don’t know why he doesn’t open the innings (as if he scores lots of runs down the order).

My playing XI in order will be:

Ahmed Shehzad
Salmab Butt
Kamran Akmal
Younis Khan
Shoaib Malik
Misbah ul Haq
Shahid Afridi
Yasir Arafat
Sohail Tanvir
Umar Gul
Saeed Ajmal

But given a situation the batting order should be flexible enough to move around the players to suit the requirement.

The final point to note for the game today is that Team India is coming out of IPL, and have a lot of match experience in their bag. The team Pakistan as facing today was much stronger and experienced than the one they faced 2 years ago in the finals. So despite the fact that Pakistan performed badly, credit must be given to the Indians for making a mockery out of Pakistan’s bowling attack.

With that, lets hope the Greens will learn the lesson and make us proud in the coming days!